By Margaret Coulthard
The relevant predicament of this publication is the research of verbal interplay or discourse. this primary six chapters record and review significant theoretical advances within the description of discourse. the ultimate chapters show how the findings of discourse research can be utilized to enquire second-language educating and first-language acquisition and to examine literary texts.
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Extra resources for An Introduction to Discourse Analysis
A: while Albert (1972) reports that among the Burundi appropriate but ungrammatical utterances occur frequently in certain situations differences in rank require a peasant-farmer to make 'a rhetorical fool of himself' when his adversary is a prince or herder although at other times he 'may show himself an able speaker'. A speaker's competence also includes knowledge about occu"ence, 'whether and to what extent something is done'. This theoretical di- 34 An Introduction to Discourse Analysis mension provides for the fact that members of a speech community 'are aware of the commonness, rarity, previous occurrence or novelty of many features of speech, and that this knowledge enters into their definitions and evaluations of ways of speaking'.
You have time enough to dust before you go. 3a. willingness: Would you mind picking up a dust rag? I'm sure you wouldn't mind picking up a dust rag and just dusting around. 3b. obligation: Isn't it your turn to dust? You ought to do your part in keeping this place clean. 4. rights: Didn't you ask me to remind you to dust this place? I'm supposed to look after this place, but not do all the work. (p. 83) Obviously the examples above are just a few of the large number of indirect formulations of this particular request: as Labov and Fanshel observe, there is an 'unlimited number of ways in which we can refer to the pre-conditions and this poses a serious problem if we want to make firm connections between these discourse rules and actual sentence production' (p.
Leech (1983, p. 180), however, argues that there are good reasons for regarding most of these as not illocutionary acts at all because 'they are conventional rather than communicative acts: the linguistic parts of ritual'. Any attempt to apply this classification to spoken texts immediately throws up problems. First, as Willis (1983) points out, at the beginnings and ends of many interactions and at strategic points during them participants produce utterances which are basically struauring - should one see 'hello' as a directive requiring a second 'hello' (but in that case how does one categorize the second one), or as an expressive (but expressing what)?
An Introduction to Discourse Analysis by Margaret Coulthard
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